Wednesday, January 18, 2012

A glimmer of hope?

This email from Erick Lopez, the city planner who seems to be in charge of the anti-mansionzation ordinances, isn't the answer to our desperate prayers. But it did give me pause.

It's not that the City did not think of this half of Silver Lake was worth protecting, it's that the scope of the project was limited to the Single-Family Zones (R1, RS, RE, and RA).  If the majority of the properties in that area are single-family dwellings, there are two ways to address your concern:

1) Rezone all of the properties from R2 to R1 (or some other appropriate Zone), which would also require a General Plan Amendment.

2) Establish similar Multi-Family Zone limitations as those in the Northeast Los Angeles Hillside Ordinance, with some changes to be more in line with the new Baseline Hillside Ordinance.

I don't want to give you the impression that either of these solutions is simple, or can be done quickly, but they are two potential options I can think of off the top of my head.

On a related and potentially useful topic, our Department is currently trying to build support to fund a comprehensive revision to the entire Zoning Code.  The R2 (or Duplex) Zone is one of the things that would be addressed in those efforts.  We are thinking of focusing more on the form of development and how that development fits in with its surroundings, in addition to the more conventional land use limitations.  One of the primary goals would be to create more of a results-oriented Code.

I hope this information helps.

**

Wow. Lopez is suggesting that the zoning in our area can be changed - if not quickly, alas. I don't want to pop open a bottle of Champagne, but it's nice to know that one city planner seems to take grassroots action seriously. In practical terms I think it's time to bring our zoning problem before the (full) Silver Lake Neighborhood Council. We need to get moving on our community plan and our zoning.

Our tax dollars at work

I recently wrote a city planner and asked some very specific questions about what kind of houses can be built in our part of Silver Lake (zoned R2-1VL). He instructed me to look at a city website that has no information about our zone (I had already checked) and added: "You can go in person to the zoning counter of the Department of Building and Safety, either downtown or Van Nuys." Why does a Los Angeles resident need to take time out of his/her working day to go downtown or to Van Nuys to learn basic zoning information? Sure, these are tough economic times. But putting zoning information on a website has to be cheaper than paying a city worker to explain zoning to residents face to face. Or are city planners just not interested in sharing information with city residents? I am going to go downtown, but I had to complain.

Garcetti's BIG dreams

Whether you're a fan of Jill Stewart and the Weeklys' owners or not, this article about the controversial Hollywood community plan is a must read - one section states that Garcetti lives in "tree-lined Silver Lake" far from the urban density he champions. 

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Should Hollywood Be Skyscrapers?

L.A. developers seek yet another Century City

A new Hollywood activist group

As you may have read here and elsewhere, the city bosses recently rushed through the new Hollywood community plan. The plan has not yet been fully passed, as I wrongly thought, however; it still needs to go through the City Council - so there's some slim hope that it can be changed. The plan has been sharply and vigorously criticized by some vocal Hollywood activists, some of whom have joined together to create a new website, People for Livable Communities. The community plan for our area, the "Silver Lake - Echo Park - Elysian Valley Community Plan," is (according to Silver Lake Neighborhood Council member Elizabeth Bougart-Sharkov) apparently set to be revised sometime soon.
     I think it is extremely important that Silver Lake residents stay on top of the revision of our plan, especially if it's true - as the website for People for Liveable Communities states - that "The Hollywood Community Plan is just the first of 35 Community Plans that will cover every part of Los Angeles. It is the template for all the plans that will follow."
      I'm going to try to find out when our community plan is scheduled to be redone. Meanwhile, maybe we can learn something from this new Hollywood activist group, which is hellbent on stopping its community plan. Here's a scary image from its website:



Mayor Villaraigosa wants what he calls “elegant density”
The City reads your silence as support for this vision.
The Hollywood Community Plan is just the first of 35 Community Plans that will cover every part of Los Angeles. It is the template for all the plans that will follow.

Tuesday, January 17, 2012

Meetings (choices, choices)

There are two Wednesday night meetings probably worth attending:

1.

The AIA|LA Urban Design Committee :: THE HOLLYWOOD COMMUNITY PLAN

  • When: On January 18, 2012 from 6:30 pm - 8:30 pm
  • Where: 3780 Wilshire Blvd #800, Los Angeles, CA 90010, USA
AIA|LA Urban Design Committee presents....
THE HOLLYWOOD COMMUNITY PLAN
-a roundtable discussion-
Wednesday, January 18 (6:30pm-8:30pm)
AIA Los Angeles
3780 Wilshire Blvd, Suite 800
Los Angeles, CA 90010
Limited Capacity. Please RSVP to Will Wright.
You are invited join the AIA|LA Urban Design Committee in roundtable discussion about the proposed Hollywood Community Plan. Kevin Keller and Mary Richardson from the Department of City Planning will participate in the discussion, as well.
The objectives of the meeting will be to learn more about the current status of the proposal and to identify an effective strategy for helping to broadcast greater understanding and support for the long term vision of the Hollywood community.
Rather than simply serving as a cursory presentation of the Hollywood Community Plan, the roundtable will serve as an opportunity for architects, urban planners, community activists and civic leaders to engage in an open discussion about how we can all work together to contribute to the civic discourse and reach a greater consensus about our social, environmental and aesthetic values that will help shape the future of our city.
To access all of the Exhibits and appendices to the Hollywood Community Plan please visit the Department of City Planning website and click on New Community Plans.

http://www.aialosangeles.org/event/the-aia-la-urban-design-committee-the-hollywood-community-plan

and

2.

Eric Garcetti speaks (mayoral race warm-up)

Money quote:

It's one of the reasons I've focused so strongly on giving Angelenos the understanding and the skills to do real planning. Real planning can't come from City Hall, it has to come from our neighborhoods. It's why we've reenvisioned public space in my district, with everything from CicLAvia, which opens up streets for pedestrians and bicycles to enjoy our city, to the Cahuenga alleyway project in Hollywood, which takes unsafe old alleys and turn them into great pedestrian thoroughfares, with vibrant businesses and cafes. That is part of the reason we looked at an Atwater Village parking program and the revitalization of Sunset Junction in Silver Lake. These are great, ground-up community planning projects that are the direct result of work my office has done- to develop a curriculum called Planning 101, which now is standard for the Planning Department to take into a community.

**

May 2, 2011 - From the April 2011 issue of The Planning Report

L.A. Council President Garcetti Candidly Assesses City Challenges

As the president of the L.A. City Council through good times and bad, Eric Garcetti has remained an eloquent spokesman for neighborhood planning principles. With the ability of the Planning Department to do long range planning in question and a new round of budget contractions on the table, does the city have the resources to achieve its goals for improved quality of life? To detail the city's planning and fiscal misadventures, and, hopefully, celebrate the light at the end of the tunnel, TPR is pleased to present the following exclusive interview with City Council President Eric Garcetti.

Eric Garcetti
TPR does this interview with you on the very day that Mayor Villaraigosa has gone public with the city's 2012 fiscal year budget. Our readers are aware of the city's structural deficit and, thus, are interested in what you believe Los Angeles must to do to balance the budget going forward.
We need three things with our city budget: a focus on our core public services, like paving our streets; keeping those streets safe with police officers, fire fighters, and paramedics; and continuing to address our budget deficit, without gimmicks or one time fixes but with permanent structural relief. We have downsized the workforce by about 4,000 in the General Fund, not for cops and fire fighters. That is the same level we had the in last year of Tom Bradley's administration, when we had a million fewer people.
We have made tremendous strides over the last few years, but I have been a voice to avoid the one-time gimmick, whether that means privatizing parking structures or the one time sale of land. Such gimmicks avoid the real underlying issue, which is the soaring coast of our benefits and our healthcare. We need to focus on our core priorities, avoiding mission creep every year like we have.
Many Angelenos, reacting to the city's reduction in services and ever growing deficits the last two years, ask why the city's elected leadership haven't made the tough decisions necessary to responsibly turn L.A. around and to begin both to create jobs and to close the city's structural deficit.
There is no big city in America that has taken such strong steps forward on resolving the budget deficit as Los Angeles. No other city cut their civilian workforce by a third. I will always eliminate positions in the most compassionate way possible. Lay-offs have tremendous impacts on families and communities. If we can do that by shifting people to open jobs and special funds and proprietary departments that isn't avoiding the problem. Their jobs are permanently eliminated when they leave General Fund positions. That is permanent savings every single year.
We have done pension reform. We put on the ballot a new tier that will save us billions of dollars as we hire new police and fire fighters, which I championed. In the era of term limits, that is almost unheard of-why not pass the problem to the next generation of councilmembers and mayors, just as we inherited it from two mayors ago and two councils ago? Third, I have focused the conversation on healthcare. Pensions get medium and long-term savings, but healthcare costs are immediate. Our breakthrough agreement with our engineers and architects to pay out of pocket for healthcare and our tentative agreement that is out there would take from six percent up to eleven percent-on what we pay for pensions and healthcare benefits, I don't know any other big city in America that has done as much as quickly. If a company told you we're going to get rid of a third of our workforce in a year and a half, it would be too fast for the private sector. For the public sector to have done that is almost unheard of. This plan, this year, eliminates all furloughs, which means more services for our communities.
We've consolidated departments, we've eliminated departments, we've cut jobs, but we've also used technology in other ways to improve the services we're providing. That is a very, very strong record for all of us.
Many civic stakeholders believe the city of Los Angeles is in decline and without adult leadership. They point to the exit of experienced general managers, the decline of basic services, the rapid turnover of senior departmental staff, the absence of mayoral leadership on the fiscal challenges confronting the city, the contortions over DWP fiscal affairs, and the failure to create new jobs as evidence of that decline. They ask why L.A. is no longer a leading entrepreneurial city in the United States. Are these criticisms fair?
I've focused in my district on turning around depressed communities and turning around some of our signature neighborhoods. I've seen our ability, even in tough economic times, to keep an economic engine not only moving forward but really roaring ahead in communities like Hollywood, Silver Lake, and Atwater Village. We do that by changing the way that we look at our public space, by investing in our schools, and by becoming business friendly. I'm very proud of having reduced our city's business tax after 30 years of talk from conservative and liberal mayors alike. I have picked up the phone and attracted new companies, new production, all sorts of business entities to come into the 13th Council District.
But I share the frustration of the general public about the city at large. I've focused on two things in the last year a half: jobs and the budget deficit. In terms of jobs, I'm proud to have helped bring new companies to Los Angeles, to have put forward a new tax category to inspire internet companies to stay and expand in Los Angeles, and to focus on the job training that we need for the growth sectors of the future-healthcare, green jobs, trade, and tourism. That is a space where we have to keep focus.
But I don't refute much of the criticism. We've had way too much turnover in general managers, and we've had an executive branch that has been less than focused. That's a frustration of being on the legislative side: you can be a voice for the people, you can set the agenda, you can do a lot in your own district, but at the end of the day, for Los Angeles to be great again, we're all going to have to pull together.
For the last year, the Mayor's Office has measured its business friendliness by how fast projects can be expedited through Planning and the Department of Building and Safety. Perhaps related, there is growing evidence of a corruption emerging out of Building and Safety. Can you comment on the pros and cons of the city's new emphasis on streamlining city processes?
I was extremely troubled to see that some of our building and safety inspectors were for sale. It showed a lack of leadership and oversight by those who were overseeing these departments. I don't think it's related to expediting, though. This is corruption in the old-fashioned sense, where people line their pockets at the expense of the people and at the expense of public trust. There is nothing more important to us than being trusted by the people that we serve. It is a sacred trust, and those who violate it should absolutely be punished to the full extent of the law. The people who oversee them should also be held responsible for those actions that happened under their watch.
Separately, we have to continue moving forward on making this city more business friendly. I was glad to see the Mayor's Office move forward with what we had called for in Hollywood with support from the community, which was to speed up the renewal of restaurant CUPs.
To help new businesses get established, I voiced a strong vision for the business community of development reform. Some called it 12-to-2, but the city had a series of failures in implementing that. What I'd like to see is to finally get that on track. I'm going to see it through, while others will come and go.
I don't link those two things together. We can be an efficient city, and we can be a non-corrupt city. And for those inspectors who violated the public trust, I'd like to see them be locked up.
Your interview will accompany an interview of the new planning director of the city of Pasadena, Vince Bertoni, who last worked as a deputy for Gail Goldberg until she retired. Mr. Bertoni stated in his interview that the city of Pasadena, unlike Los Angeles, embraces both a cultural and political sense of the role of planning in relation to the entire city and also rejects planning case-by-case and measuring success solely by how fast projects can be expedited. Do you agree?
I agree with him. It's one of the reasons I've focused so strongly on giving Angelenos the understanding and the skills to do real planning. Real planning can't come from City Hall, it has to come from our neighborhoods. It's why we've reenvisioned public space in my district, with everything from CicLAvia, which opens up streets for pedestrians and bicycles to enjoy our city, to the Cahuenga alleyway project in Hollywood, which takes unsafe old alleys and turn them into great pedestrian thoroughfares, with vibrant businesses and cafes. That is part of the reason we looked at an Atwater Village parking program and the revitalization of Sunset Junction in Silver Lake. These are great, ground-up community planning projects that are the direct result of work my office has done- to develop a curriculum called Planning 101, which now is standard for the Planning Department to take into a community. We did planning 102, 103 and 104, which taught people about parking and housing, and really put the question forward: What do you want to see in your own neighborhood? Well, here's how you get it.
We cannot continue to separate our Planning Department from real planning. I feel like a broken record, but Hollywood's Community Plan, which was promised to me 10 years ago, is finally in the last round, but it still isn't done. We're finally close, but it shouldn't take a decade. We shouldn't be building based on a plan from 1987.
A new culture is emerging, though. This is a much more articulate city in terms of what it wants from urban planning than it ever has been. That has come from neighborhood councils, community groups, and, to their credit, the Planning Department's shift toward educating the city instead of just imposing projects. We could spend probably an hour going through my favorite projects that are a reflection of that, but the current culture is very different from the strip-mall mentality of the 1980s. Its time for us to make sure that uniformity doesn't just happen in isolated communities, like some of the ones I represent, but throughout the city.
One of the hot-button issues at the state and city level is Governor Brown's plan to do away with redevelopment agencies to help make up the state's budget shortfall. Your thoughts?
I worry if any of the money that would go back to Sacramento, if the move is even legal, would wind up in our schools. I don't think it would. It would let the legislature and the Governor off the hook for the deficit right now, and in no way would it be seen in the classrooms, with firefighters, or other places. 
That said, I've always had mixed feelings about redevelopment. We have to point out when it has failed, where it has been unsuccessful, and where it just employs bureaucrats. I also have seen the tremendous impact redevelopment can have in an area like Hollywood, which is the single most successful redevelopment area in California.
In the last decade, [the Hollywood CRA area] has increased tax revenues by 439 percent. That means more fire station support, more police on the beat, and more recreation, park, and library facilities for the entire city. This massive economic engine of Hollywood has roared back. Visitors don't just stay for an average of 23 minutes anymore; they stay overnight.
We're going to have a million more visitors that come through well-planned-out developments, such as the new Cirque du Soleil show, which will bring a million visitors to Hollywood who otherwise wouldn't have spend any money in the city of Los Angeles.
With redevelopment, you need to point out what works, but you also need to be grown-up enough to know when you need to walk away from it. In Hollywood, for instance, it might be time to say that we've reached the critical point: there are a few more things we need to invest in to make sure we don't go backwards, but then let's pack up, instead of saying we're going to be in business for another 20 years when that money could be better spent elsewhere.
You have a well-deserved reputation as an advocate for sustainability and green development. How is it that L.A.'s municipal utility, L.A. DWP, is still one of the state's most polluting and that its ambitious carbon reduction goals and programs have been scaled back, reframing the city's green agenda around rates rather than AB 32 and sustainability?
The reform of L.A. DWP is probably the most important place that we can get green jobs in this city and reinvest the public trust in what we do in government. Besides the trash getting picked up every day, most people don't interact with the government as much as they do through their water and power bills. L.A. DWP has had a wonderful history of economic development, but it has almost forgotten that it works for the people. It's forgotten its role in economic development. It was a very lonely place nine years ago, when Alex Padilla and I stepped forward to divest from Mojave coal plant. Ron Deaton, who was the Chief Legislative Analyst at the time, said, "Oh, you guys are cute and young and environmental, but I've got all my votes." Alex and I worked it and, lo and behold, we beat him. We got eight votes to begin to divest from a dirty coal-burning plant and start looking at green power.
The department, though, has gone in fits and starts. It hasn't focused enough on connecting green power with green jobs locally, so we're buying wind from Montana instead of putting solar panels up in our own basin, where people are out of work. The DWP has no overarching vision of how it wants to achieve a greener future. It has focused too much on rates and not on bills. People are willing to see higher rates if it means that the department will help them reduce their bills through conservation.
The DWP also has not been enough of a friend to business. Unlike most places that have private utilities that cannot be controlled by policy makers, here the Department of Water and Power could be a voice in the public process to attract new jobs. The overwhelming voter support for my ratepayer advocate and open budgeting initiatives is a really positive step forward. We have a super new general manager; I can't speak highly enough of what I've seen Ron Nichols do so far. I am hoping this is going to be the turnaround year, but I'm going to keep a close eye on the DWP, because that's where we're going to see job growth.
I just came from the White House, where I met about energy efficiency and conservation efforts. That is where we can get green jobs, today. Not sometime down the line, but right now, which also helps our bottom line and our recovery.
In closing, even Ron Nichols, LADWP's new general manager, has said that with regard to the slow pace of LADWP's renewable programs, the elephant in the room is Brian D'Arcy and IBEW Local 18. Can you elaborate on Brian D'Arcy and Local 18 influence on L.A. DWP's renewables' policies?
Where we get partnership from our unions, stepping up like they did to take raises in cash instead of in permanent increases, we should thank them. But we need to also acknowledge where we don't have partnerships in moving forward to control our costs. There's no question that the Department of Water and Power will have to reduce its expenses, and I admire Ron's initial focus on those goals. No one entity is so powerful that it can overwhelm the will of the people, as evidenced by the vote for a ratepayer advocate. People are willing to be fair to our workers at the Department of Water and Power; we have been and should continue to be. But we can't lose sight of reliability, of greening, and of making sure that we have accountability at the DWP.
There is someone on the side of the people now with the ratepayer advocate. I hope we have hired someone for that position by the end of the summer.

The bigger picture

I realize that some of the wider city stories that I'm posting may seem off point to our immediate Silver Lake concerns, but I don't believe that they are. The city is in the midst of revising its several dozen community plans; it recently passed approved the updated Hollywood Community plan, which was met with vigorous neighborhood protest. The Silver Lake - Echo Park - Eysian Valley community plan will be up for revision in the future, though it's unclear when. We need to be prepared to push back against proposals we don't like. But first we have to understand what is at stake, and perhaps why. This story, which touches on gentrification in Silver Lake (see the boldfaced paragraphs below) helps fill in the blanks.

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Larry Kaplan: Redistricting Reflects The State’s Demographic and Economic New Realities
The redistricting debate that has occupied congress, states, and local government this year says less about politicians and more about the shifting socio/demographic complextion of the United States, according to management consultant Larry Kaplan. Gentrification and dedensification in cities will shift political power to the outer suburbs where growth has been most drastic in recent decades. These changes eventually are reflected in who sits in our halls of power. 


"...Legislators in slow growth areas find their districts looking quite different, or even pull out from under them, while there are new opportunities for new legislative candidates in quickly growing areas." -Larry Kaplan
Now that redistricting season is over, the focus is on the possible results—usually in the context of the partisan horse race:  how many seats will the Democrats and Republicans end up with in both houses of the Legislature and in California’s Congressional delegation in Washington?  Who loses their seats in the high stakes game of musical chairs?  Berman or Sherman? Osborne or Butler? It’s all part of the decennial ritual for political junkies across America and here in Southern California.
Locally, the County of Los Angeles just went through a contentious redistricting process that is likely not over, with a lawsuit in the wings.  And the City of Los Angeles, along with other local cities that have councilmembers elected by district, is gearing up its own effort for the 2013 election cycle.
But there is a story behind the numbers that is much more profound than the tally of political winners and losers.  It goes to the heart of the U.S. Census and how it reflects the dramatically changing socio-economic demographics of American society, especially in rapidly changing California.  And in a case of being victimized by your own success, it’s a story about how the revitalization and gentrification of inner-city neighborhoods, which involves de-densification, and the dramatic growth in the outlying exurbs, may ironically diminish the political clout of voters and political leaders in such traditionally powerful places as Los Angeles, Orange County, San Diego and San Francisco.
It’s the basic job of the Census to conduct an “enumeration” every ten years, as spelled out in the Constitution.  From that count, Congress, the 50 state legislatures and thousands of local jurisdictions determine the populations and configurations of districts.  The process of redrawing district lines every ten years has evolved into a highly political process—everyone has heard of gerrymandering, although the voters in California elected to place the responsibility for redrawing those new lines in the hands of a bi-partisan commission, rather than the State Legislature, in order to avoid that.  That commission presented its maps this past summer, with lines dramatically different from the status quo.  Most impartial observers say they did a pretty fair job of it.
But, the Census has become much more complicated and comprehensive in the 220 years since the first one was completed.  The U.S. Bureau of the Census counts all sorts of things nowadays, including race and ethnicity, household incomes, housing stock and educational levels.  Race and ethnicity in particular play a direct role in the drawing of district lines by law—district configurations must ensure that representatives reflect and include America’s diversity, and adhere to the Voting Rights Act.
All of the factors measured by the Census illustrate the continuous evolution of American (especially California) society, and this change is ultimately reflected in the new political boundaries that are drawn up and the types of people who will be elected in these new districts.  To students of sociology and urban planning, that’s the part that’s much more interesting than whether or not the new lines change the balance of power in Sacramento or Washington.
In short, the changes in American society that the Census numbers show will eventually be reflected in the halls of Congress, on the floor of the State Legislature and at City Hall.  Sometimes this change leads to dramatic reconfiguration of districts and unfamiliar new faces elected to public office.
Followers of the redistricting process know quite well that the dramatic growth in the inland portions of California significantly outpaced the slow growth in the coastal regions over the past two decades.  Because of that, legislative districts in places like Los Angeles County and the San Francisco Bay Area have fewer residents than they should have, while districts in places like the Inland Empire and Central Valley have more—the redistricting folks call that “undercount” and “over-count” respectively.  
In California, each Congressional district is supposed to have 700,000 people (the State’s population of 37.8 million divided by its delegation of 54); if a district doesn’t, it has to be reconfigured, either expanding or contracting geographically to gain or lose population.  That results in fewer districts in slow, or negative, growth areas of the State and more districts in rapidly growing areas.  That means legislators in slow growth areas find their districts looking quite different, or even pulled out from under them, while there are new opportunities for new legislative candidates in quickly growing areas.
One of the most interesting examples, particularly for Southern Californians:  the Census Bureau reported that in Los Angeles County, the Congressional district with the biggest undercount was the old 31st, represented by Xavier Becerra.  According to the current census, it had 611,000 residents, or 89,000 under what it should have had (it had 640,000 in the 2000 Census).  The State Senate district with the biggest undercount was the old 22nd, represented by Kevin de Leon; it had less than 845,000 residents instead of the 930,000 it should have had, about 85,000 under.  The Assembly district with the biggest undercount was the old 45th, represented by Gil Cedillo; it had 406,000 (down from 423,000) residents, or nearly 60,000 under its target size of 465,000.
A few weeks after these numbers were released in the spring, the City of Los Angeles released its population numbers for its upcoming redistricting process.  That report showed that the 13th Council District, represented by Council President Eric Garcetti, had 225,000 residents, or nearly 30,000 under its target of 253,000.  Now, all four of these districts had three things in common:  one, they were represented by Democrats, which is not really relevant; two, they were all between 8 and 13% under their targeted populations.
And three, they all shared these six neighborhoods, in whole or in part:  East Hollywood, Echo Park, Silver Lake, Atwater, Glassell Park and Mount Washington.  Anyone who follows real estate trends, or is a student of L.A.’s development patterns, or who reads the Planning Report regularly, knows that these are some of the most dramatically—one could even say aggressively—gentrifying neighborhoods in all of Southern California.
So what happened between 1990, 2000 and 2010?  Large working-class, mostly Latino, families moved out and small upscale households moved in, as property values and housing costs skyrocketed with the real estate bubble.  Instead of multi-generational families with several children, you saw hipster and gay or lesbian couples, or empty nesters as mom and dad stayed while the kids set up their own family households in other parts of the region (many of those offspring went to the Inland Empire, which saw large increases in its overall population and in the number of Latinos).   As one observer wryly observed, “there are cars in all those garages again.” [They haven't seen the garages on Hidalgo!]
Echo Park saw the most dramatic gentrification and lost 10% of its population.  Many other demographic indicators in Echo Park changed, as well:  the median household income rose along with the number of college degrees, while households with children under 18 plummeted.  At the same time, housing densities did not increase, as they did in the Inland Empire, probably due to more restrictive community plans, particularly in residential hillside neighborhoods.
Needless to say, the newly numbered districts representing those communities look quite different today.  But, while the changes were most apparent in those neighborhoods north and west of Downtown L.A., gentrification had impacts on legislative seats all over L.A. County:
• Those districts representing the Mid-Cities area of Los Angeles clustered around the Santa Monica Freeway.  This is home to such dramatically gentrifying neighborhoods as historic West Adams and portions of the Miracle Mile south of Wilshire Blvd.
• The districts representing Pasadena and the western San Gabriel Valley.  Pasadena has been obviously gentrifying, while many towns in the west San Gabriel Valley, such as Alhambra and Monterey Park, have transitioned from being largely working-class Latino with large families to middle-class Asian with smaller families living in larger homes.
• Districts in southeast L.A. County, covering such communities as Whittier, Cerritos and parts of Long Beach, also saw undercounts, albeit not as dramatic as others.  These areas gentrified in the more generic sense (the dictionary definition of gentrification is the “socio-cultural displacement that results when wealthier people acquire property in low income and working class communities”); in southeast L.A. County, it was the case of more established, assimilated and smaller middle-class Latino and Asian families replacing first generation immigrants.
This pattern has been repeated all over California, from the San Francisco Peninsula, Oakland and the East Bay to San Diego and Orange County—as all these coastal communities have become more expensive and more exclusive, population growth slowed and stabilized, while people moved out to inland areas of the State.  In L.A. County alone, there was a shift of one Congressional, one State Senate and one and a half Assembly districts to inland areas.  Those districts ended up in Riverside and San Bernardino Counties.  In short, these coastal regions stand to lose political clout because they have fewer members representing them in both capitols.
What does this all mean for partisan politics and urban development policy?  It may not mean much—some are saying that most of the growth in the inland areas has been Latino, and that trends heavily Democratic.  However, it could mean a different type of Democrat.  While Democrats from highly urbanized coastal communities tended to be very progressive, pro-labor, liberal on social issues and strong environmentalists, Democrats from suburban inland communities are more middle-of-the road, more conservative on social issues and more focused on job creation and public education.
It’s possible to see shifting support on certain issues based on the diminished clout of inner-city representation and the growth of suburban and exurban legislators—a good example could be in the area of transportation, where mass transit, long the focus of urban politicians, continuously competes for funding against highways, which generally enjoy more support from the hinterlands.  The same might be true of housing and redevelopment programs, reflecting the very different economies and built environments of cities and suburbs and their respective constituencies.  
Or what about something like SB 375, which seeks to reduce vehicle miles traveled by encouraging the development of more compact communities.  While it has enjoyed broad support from urban politicians, it has met resistance from suburban, exurban and rural leaders.  Might a subtle shift in power from the coastal cities to the inland suburbs impact how well SB 375 is implemented and result in fewer state incentives for local smart growth policies? 
Other policy shifts could occur, as the long simmering East-West divide in the state shifts power away from places like Los Angeles toward communities like the Coachella Valley.  Examples include CEQA policy and enforcement, state land-use planning and development programs and policies, air quality regulations, and water policy.  It may well influence the kinds of approaches taken to these issues, such as the balance between conservation and infrastructure, including the kinds of public works programs and projects that move forward.
Redistricting does its job if it genuinely reflects the socio-economic and demographic shifts reported in the Census.  The renaissance of America’s big cities, characterized by gentrification of once depressed neighborhoods and an infusion of new wealth, vitality and social capital by what urbanist Richard Florida calls the “creative class” is mostly a good thing.  But it also reflects a fundamental truth:  middle- and working-class families have had to move on to more affordable pastures in the suburbs and exurbs.  And with their kids, they’ll be taking their political clout with them.
http://www.planningreport.com/2011/10/10/larry-kaplan-redistricting-reflects-state-s-demographic-and-economic-new-realities